By Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, Alexander Grosu
The contributions during this quantity are dedicated to a variety of features of the inner and exterior syntax of DPs in a large choice of languages belonging to the Slavic, Turkic, Finno-Ugric, Semitic and Germanic language households. specifically, the papers tackle questions concerning the interior and exterior cartography of assorted forms of simplex and intricate DPs: the placement of DPs inside higher constructions, contract in phi-features and/or case among DPs and their predicates, in addition to among sub-elements of DPs, and/or the project of case to DPs in particular configurations. the 1st 4 chapters of the e-book concentration totally on the exterior syntax of DPs, and the rest chapters care for their inner syntax.
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Extra resources for Advances in the Syntax of DPs: Structure, agreement, and case
13 I will in fact eventually . Boeckx and Hornstein (2006), in attempting to assimilate the recalcitrant Icelandic facts into the MTC, must assume case assignment (in the embedded clause) and case overwriting (in the matrix clause) to handle OC of quirky case-assigning infinitives. This system implies that Nadja in (22) is for some reason assigned nominative already in the embedded clause. But, as Bobaljik and Landau (2009) point out, a control movement chain with two structural cases is problematic for Hornstein’s MTC.
Steven Franks Finally, in previous work I basically denied the existence of variation, at least with respect to Object Control, arguing (along with others) that the agreement possibility under obligatory Object Control was actually a matter of floating off the semipredicative. Franks (1995) did however point out the problems posed by variation in case transmission for Polish żeby ‘in order to’ and Russian V + N collocations. 3 Avoiding overgeneration I now return to the question of how the approaches (would) treat the look-ahead puzzle introduced by bottom-up syntax (bearing in mind that not all of these approaches were formulated in bottom-up terms).
Ploxo [byt’ doma bol’nym odnomu]. ’ In sum, the MTC seems to share certain problems with Babby’s VB. It does avoid postulation of PRO, although having a cased but necessarily silent pro in non-OC contexts does not strike me as an improvement, since it raises similar questions to those noted above for Babby’s use of PRODAT. Moreover, the problem of why ordinary adjectives are not dative is more acute for Grebenyova’s MTC-account than for non-movement solutions. I return to these and related puzzles in Section 5.