By Yoshiki Ogawa
Syntactically talking, it has lengthy been recognized that noun words are parallel to clauses in lots of respects. whereas such a lot syntactic theories comprise this precept, nouns have in most cases been considered as not as good as verbs when it comes to their licensing talents, and nominal projections were considered as much less complicated than verbal projections by way of the variety of sensible different types that they include. Ogawa, even though, argues that clauses and noun words are completely parallel. This publication offers a unified concept of clauses and noun words, finally assisting to simplify a variety of thorny matters within the syntax/morphology interface.
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Extra resources for A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections
B. Paul hardly speaks Italian, *Paul speaks hardly Italian. *Pierreapeineparlel'italien. (=(12a)) Pierre parle a peine 1'italien. (= (12b)) (Pollock 1989:378) My claim is that the contrast between (11a) and (lib) is related to the contrast between (12) and (13). Let us continue to assume that the null C is an inflectional affix and that it must attach to the selecting head in the cases at hand. Let us also suppose, following Chomsky (1995:chapter 4), that every transitive verb is selected by the light verb v.
B. Jean croyait *(que) elle etait malade. (= (la)) c. the statement *(that) John is guilty Stowell (1981) and Kayne (1981) provided a principled account for the asymmetry between (la) and (lc). In the framework of the principles and parameters theory (Chomsky 1981), they claimed that not only traces left by movement but also empty Cs must be licensed by Empty Category Principle (ECP). Stowell (1981) then attributed the asymmetry to ECP by claiming that the N is scmantically in apposition to its sentential complement and does not assign a 9 -role to it; since Q -role assignment is a prerequisite for proper head government, N cannot be qualified as a proper head governor.
53) a. :46): Kanske Lena inte kopte en ny bok igar. ' b. *Kanske Lena kopte inte en ny bok igar. (54) Norwegian (Watanabe 1996:197): Vi vet at Jens ikke skj nte dette sp rsmalet. ' I could not find a matrix clause counterpart of (54) in Norwegian, though Roberts (1993) points out, in the context of demonstrating the correlation between overt verb raising and overt distinct morphological plural marking, that 'the Norwegian dialect of Hallingdalen . . :265). If he is correct in correlating the absence of V-raising with the absence of overt distinct morphological plural marking, there should be no V-raising in the matrix clause in (54), either, since the morphological inflection on verbs does not differ in the matrix and embedded clauses in Norwegian.